2017年6合生肖表
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   文章来源: 科学传播局    发布时间: 2019-12-11 19:59:25|2017年6合生肖表   【字号:         】

  

  China’s post-Mao economic boom has occurred only to the extent that the country became capitalist. With “Made in China 2025,” Beijing’s 2015 anticapitalist plan for an industrial policy under which the state would pick “winners,” China has taken a step back from capitalism. (It recently dropped the “Made in China 2025” name, though the policy remains.)

  It won’t work, but China’s new industrial policy has worked one marvel — namely, scaring many American conservatives into believing that the main driver of economic growth isn’t the market but bureaucrats invested with power to control the allocation of natural and financial resources.

  Exhibit A is a report just out from the Senate Committee on Small Business and Entrepreneurship, headed by Marco Rubio of Florida, on how to counter Beijing’s plan.

  The report echoes widespread fears about China’s plan to use top-down, nonmarket means such as tariffs, subsidies and capital restrictions to pursue global dominance in 10 industrial sectors like clean-energy cars, robotics and aerospace. The Rubio report asserts that such dominance “would be an unacceptable outcome for American workers.”

  Mr. Rubio’s somewhat surprising response is to in effect call for the United States to adopt its own industrial policy. It would include prioritizing manufacturing, protecting American companies in industries China wants to make headway in, restrictions on investments and capital flows, tax changes that encourage United States tech companies to spend more on research and development rather than on buybacks, and support for small businesses.

  China’s economic growth and sheer size are something to reckon with. Yet that doesn’t mean that authoritarian methods will enable China to attain economic dominance. I thought we learned this lesson after many American intellectuals, economists and politicians were proven spectacularly wrong in predicting that the Soviet Union would become an economic rival.

  State planning will darken China’s economic prospects. Its resources are limited, so any expansive government investment in one, two or 10 sectors of its economy diverts resources from other sectors, threatening their future growth.

  Free-market proponents usually understand that, plagued by ignorance of all-important localized knowledge, government officials cannot outperform the market at picking winners. In practice it ends up picking losers or hindering the abilities of the winners to achieve their greatest potential. Central planning is antithetical to innovation, as is already visible in China.

  You can give Senator Rubio some points for consistency: Believing that top-down government planning works in China, he now believes it also works in America. Still, the same obstacles that limit the carrying out of many government policies in the United States — for example, the initial failure to open and maintain the HealthCare.gov website — will ensure that many of Beijing’s plans will fail.

  But even if this time really is different and China becomes “the global leader in innovation and manufacturing,” it still doesn’t follow that the United States government should respond with more of its own interventions. First, the law of comparative advantage still holds and so it would continue to be beneficial for China to import products that are produced more efficiently elsewhere. Second, the United States has instituted industrial policies in the past out of unwarranted fears of other countries’ industrial policies. The results have always imposed great costs on consumers and taxpayers and introduced significant economic distortions.

  Conservatives — who take pride in their respect for history — should learn about the failed United States industrial policies of the 1980s, which were responses to the Japanese government’s attempt to dominate key consumer electronics technologies. These efforts worked neither in Japan nor in the United States.

  The past has taught us that industrial policies fail often because they favor existing industries that are well connected politically at the expense of would-be entrepreneurs and start-ups offering more innovative solutions.

  And so contrary to the Rubio report, we should not prioritize manufacturing, to cite one example. Yes, manufacturing generates the majority of export revenues in rich countries. But despite popular opinion, trade’s benefits are not measured by the amounts that are exported. As economists since Adam Smith have pointed out, the ultimate goal of trade is to receive as many imports as possible.

  Also, Mr. Rubio’s report errs in concluding that because manufacturing wages are high, policymakers should work to increase employment in manufacturing. Wages in manufacturing are high because labor-saving innovations have increased workers’ productivity and, thus, their wages. But any workers artificially shifted into manufacturing would be redundant — and being redundant, their productivity and their wages would be low.

  This doesn’t mean there’s no role for government. In fact, the Clinton years should have taught politicians that the most effective industrial policy is to clear and protect spaces for innovation, as was done in 1997 with the administration’s Framework for Global Electronic Commerce. This posture of “permissionless innovation” for digital commerce kick-started the development of the American-led commercial internet.

  The same lesson applies to the competition for 5G technology (mentioned only twice in the Rubio report). China might end up leading in 5G patents and hardware production. This possibility raises privacy concerns — for instance, that China would influence the worldwide convergence on 5G standards to aid it to spy on users. Still, it’s difficult to believe that the Chinese could impose an anti-privacy standard with so many privacy watchdogs at the table. If there are national security issues, they should be addressed with national security means, not economic policy.

  We shouldn’t allow fear-mongering to hobble America’s free enterprise system. That system has proved remarkable at delivering what consumers care about, like speed, broadband services and applications. The researcher Brent Skorup lays out many simple ways the government could encourage 5G development in the United States. For starters, Mr. Skorup notes, the federal government could free up underused parts of the federal radio spectrum for new uses like 5G. Then, the federal government should work with states and cities to repeal statutes that prohibit homeowners from freely installing 5G equipment on their own property (which would expand broadband access). Local officials should see the 5G rollout not as a mere revenue generator but as a national campaign for a more innovative and dynamic economy.

  China’s economic future is bright, but only as long as it rejects large-scale industrial policy and instead recommits to competitive markets. We shouldn’t copy its recent command-and-control playbook. Rather, we should stick with the time-honored policies that have made the United States the titan to topple in the first place: free trade, competitive markets, reasonable regulations and the rule of law. Maybe China will decide to mimic more of our behaviors instead.

  Veronique de Rugy is a senior research fellow at the Mercatus Center at George Mason University.

  The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: letters@nytimes.com.

  Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram.

B:

  

  2017年6合生肖表“【钩】、【镜】、【轮】、【弓】、【桂】、【盘】,【散】【开】【阵】【型】!” 【拓】【跋】【扈】【飞】【快】【地】【左】【右】【变】【化】【着】【方】【向】,【身】【边】【的】【骑】【兵】【一】【席】【四】【散】【开】【来】。 “【迂】【回】【前】【进】,【耗】【尽】【他】【们】【的】【弹】【药】!” 【北】【凉】【的】【士】【兵】【对】【火】【器】【的】【了】【解】【还】【知】【之】【甚】【少】,【所】【以】【在】【攻】【城】【战】【役】【中】【表】【现】【得】【畏】【手】【畏】【脚】。【但】【是】【拓】【跋】【扈】【亲】【自】【训】【练】【的】【黑】【月】【铁】【骑】【就】【早】【已】【经】【对】【中】【原】【的】【先】【进】【火】【器】【有】【所】【了】【解】【了】,【所】【以】【此】【次】【两】【军】

【确】【定】【一】【个】【死】【了】【的】【人】【是】【凶】【手】,【确】【实】【很】【难】【置】【信】。 “【那】【你】【又】【是】【如】【何】【确】【定】【了】【那】【个】【人】【就】【是】【你】【弟】【弟】【的】【呢】?”【冷】【寒】【星】【抬】【头】【看】【着】【慕】【渊】【寒】:“【你】【弟】【弟】【当】【初】【是】【怎】【么】【遇】【害】【的】?” “【当】【年】【我】【和】【他】【一】【起】【被】【绑】【架】【到】【了】【深】【山】【野】【林】【里】。”【慕】【渊】【寒】【说】:“【途】【中】,【我】【寻】【到】【一】【个】【机】【会】【就】【拉】【着】【他】【逃】【跑】。【不】【过】【我】【们】【当】【时】【太】【小】【了】,【没】【跑】【多】【远】,【又】【被】【抓】【回】【去】【了】。

【漠】【河】【族】【发】【生】【了】【一】【件】【重】【大】【的】【事】【件】,【那】【就】【是】【漠】【河】【女】【王】【辞】【去】【了】【女】【王】【之】【位】,【将】【漠】【河】【族】【王】【的】【位】【置】【传】【给】【了】【樱】【乃】! 【人】【类】【族】【群】【联】【盟】【主】【席】【秦】【娥】【也】【辞】【去】【了】【主】【席】【之】【位】,【传】【给】【了】【一】【位】【新】【晋】【神】【级】【神】【光】! 【异】【族】【的】【磞】【布】【咔】【云】【突】【然】【宣】【布】,【不】【再】【担】【任】【异】【族】【的】【王】,【将】【统】【帅】【的】【位】【置】【传】【给】【一】【个】【不】【出】【名】【的】【人】【蹦】【宁】,【据】【私】【下】【里】【传】【说】,【这】【个】【蹦】【宁】,【很】【可】【能】【是】【磞】【布】【咔】【云】

  【孩】【子】【从】【小】【的】【时】【候】【就】【会】【存】【在】【攀】【比】【心】【理】,【觉】【得】【别】【的】【小】【朋】【友】【比】【他】【买】【的】【玩】【具】【好】,【或】【者】【别】【的】【小】【朋】【友】【的】【零】【食】【好】【吃】。【在】【上】【了】【幼】【儿】【园】【之】【后】,【这】【种】【攀】【比】【的】【心】【理】【会】【更】【加】【严】【重】,【有】【时】【候】【不】【用】【特】【殊】【引】【导】,【许】【多】【小】【朋】【友】【自】【然】【而】【然】【的】【就】【会】【产】【生】【比】【较】【严】【重】【的】【攀】【比】【心】【理】。【今】【天】【我】【们】【就】【来】【看】【一】【下】【众】【多】【网】【友】【分】【享】【的】【他】【们】【家】【宝】【宝】【发】【生】【的】【过】【那】【些】【攀】【比】【的】【事】【情】。2017年6合生肖表【狗】【狗】【也】【会】【像】【人】【一】【样】,【每】【天】【睡】【醒】【之】【后】【眼】【角】【留】【着】【一】【点】【眼】【屎】,【这】【是】【正】【常】【的】【情】【况】【主】【人】【不】【用】【太】【过】【担】【心】。【但】【是】【眼】【屎】【忽】【然】【增】【加】,【就】【需】【要】【多】【注】【意】【一】【下】【了】。

  【叶】【星】【辰】【正】【想】【着】【他】【呢】,【看】【到】【电】【话】【马】【上】【接】【了】,【这】【时】【候】【她】【就】【在】【医】【院】【的】【楼】【下】,【一】【边】【接】【着】【电】【话】,【一】【边】【朝】【着】【楼】【上】【走】【着】。 “【喂】,【秦】【默】,【你】【去】【哪】【儿】【了】?【怎】【么】【打】【你】【电】【话】【你】【都】【不】【接】?” 【叶】【星】【辰】【的】【声】【音】【流】【露】【着】【担】【心】,【秦】【默】【那】【边】【却】【没】【有】【说】【话】,【叶】【星】【辰】【以】【为】【是】【楼】【道】【里】【信】【号】【不】【好】,【连】【着】【喂】【了】【两】【声】。 “【喂】,【秦】【默】,【你】【是】【不】【是】【听】【不】【到】?” 【好】

  【人】【们】【以】【为】【盖】【慈】【比】【的】【状】【态】【只】【是】【昙】【花】【一】【现】,【随】【着】【赛】【程】【的】【深】【入】,【盖】【慈】【比】【年】【迈】【的】【身】【体】【会】【让】【他】【的】【表】【现】【下】【滑】,【但】【盖】【慈】【比】【却】【越】【打】【越】【出】【色】,【虽】【然】【球】【权】【让】【给】【了】【球】【哥】【和】**,【但】【盖】【慈】【比】【即】【便】【是】【做】【一】【个】【得】【分】【后】【卫】,【也】【让】【对】【手】【无】【可】【适】【从】——【他】【的】【三】【分】【太】【准】【了】! 【对】【手】【为】【了】【限】【制】【盖】【慈】【比】【的】【三】【分】,【不】【得】【不】【追】【出】【来】【防】【守】,【盖】【慈】【比】【的】【身】【体】【下】【滑】,【但】【是】【这】【种】【对】

  【第】【三】【十】【七】【章】【天】【下】【熙】【熙】【皆】【为】【利】【来】,【天】【下】【攘】【攘】【皆】【为】【利】【往】 “【好】【一】【把】【破】【军】【之】【刃】,【千】【军】【万】【马】,【我】【自】【一】【刀】【破】【之】,【破】【碎】【一】【切】【虚】【妄】!” 【望】【着】【手】【中】【闪】【烁】【着】【点】【点】【寒】【光】【的】【战】【刀】,【萧】【风】【轻】【轻】【的】【抚】【摸】【着】,【嘴】【角】【微】【微】【勾】【起】,【眼】【睛】【就】【像】【是】【在】【看】【一】【个】【绝】【世】【美】【人】【一】【般】,【冒】【着】【精】【光】,【显】【然】,【萧】【风】【很】【是】【喜】【爱】【这】【把】【刀】。 【此】【刀】,【是】【雅】【妃】【让】【萧】【风】【自】【由】【挑】【选】【之】【战】




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